Inside the East European Planned Economy by Voicu Ion Sucala

Author:Voicu Ion Sucala [Sucala, Voicu Ion]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: Social Science, Regional Studies
ISBN: 9781351654364
Google: tHhQDwAAQBAJ
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 2018-03-09T04:42:39+00:00

The workers’ protests and strikes in communist Romania

The contradictions and tensions in the central planning system had a significant impact on the attitudes of the working class and had consequences in the emergence of criticisms and in generating protests. Furthermore, the changes over time in the organisational mechanisms discussed above can be related to these protests and strikes. For example, Nelson (1981, p. 177) has suggested that the renewed interest of the Party in workers’ self-management ‘had some relationship to the 1977 miners’ strike and protests in the Jiu Valley’.

The academic literature on the history of the working class in communist Romania is extremely scarce. However, there are a few reliable sources providing data regarding the most important events such as protests, strikes and the emergence of free unions. For example, Tismãneanu, Dobrincu and Vasile (2007, pp. 345–359) offer a synthesis of the workers’ protests in the communist regime. According to the authors, the Romanian communist period can be divided into three periods: 1945–58, 1958–77 and 1977–89, based on the main characteristics of the protests and strikes in each period.

The first period, 1945–58, was characterised by spontaneous, non-violent protests which had little impact, usually generated by hard work conditions, delays in salary payments or increases in production targets. Protests took place in areas with a strong industrial tradition in the oil industry (Valea Prahovei), machine building industry (Bucharest), the metallurgical industry (Resita, Hunedoara) and the Danube harbours (Galați, Braila). Information regarding these protests was mainly collected from oral testimonies. The authors argued that the protesters had some trust in communist leaders and there was no perceived difference between us (the people) and them (nomenclatura). A document entitled ‘Atmosfera politică din țară în cursul lunei Februarie 1949’ (The country’s political background on February 1949) issued by Serviciul de Sintezã (Synthesis Service) of the Central Committee of PMR noted that workers’ discontent in some enterprises was generated by the new collective work contracts (Berindei, Dobrincu and Goșu, 2009, pp. 144–156). The same report indicated 64 cases of industrial sabotage in February compared with 74 cases in January 1949. Another report described a strike in Brãila port, generated by lay-offs and a new system of work norms (Berindei, Dobrincu and Goșu, 2009, pp. 189–192). The main reasons for workers’ dissatisfaction were low salaries, the high cost of living, insufficient basic food and oil, and unreasonable work norms. These reasons were noted in reports issued in 1950 (Berindei, Dobrincu and Goșu, 2009, pp. 261–266), 1952 (Berindei, Dobrincu and Goșu, 2009, pp. 379–395). The 1952 report noted for the first time that supply problems in industry generated lower salaries and workers’ dissatisfaction.

In the second period, following the de-Stalinisation process started by Khrushchev in 1956, the Romanian leadership launched a strategy of nationalisation of the Stalinist model. An important reason for this strategy was the Romanian leaders’ fear of becoming victims of the changes initiated by Khrushchev. ‘The awakening nationalism, encouraged since 1962 by Soviet concessions to national sovereignty’ (CIA, 1964, p. 4), but also ‘the Romanian-Soviet cold war’ (Frunzã, 1999, p.

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